Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
The passage answers each of the following questions EXCEPT
A. What impact did the Industrial Revolution have on child labor?
B. When did child labor cease to exist in America?
C. What was the definition of a successful childhood in those times?
D. What were the kind of wages that children could expect?
E. What were a few commonalities between the labor laws of America and England?
Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
Which one of the following, if true, would strengthen the 18th century perspective about child labor as mentioned in sentence 11?
A. A couple, though living in dire circumstances, ensured that their children did not have to work on complex tasks but rather focused on making their childhood enjoyable.
B. A child's productive value was determined by the emotional connection he shared with its family and children.
C. The demands of a father suing for damages for the death of his 4-year-old son were quashed as the child did not make any financial contribution.
D. Only orphan children were required to work and fend for themselves whereas children that has support from parents were not.
E. A child's death that was caused because of lack of appropriate healthcare facilities is grieved by parents due to the strong bond of love that the family members shared.
Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
The author makes use of all of the following in presenting the discussion of child labor in American and England EXCEPT
A. an anecdote
B. hypothetical case
C. perspectives of individuals
D. comparison
E. chronology of historical events
Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
Which one of the following, if true, would most strengthen the puritan belief mentioned in sentence 23?
A. The concept of leisure is not conducive to an ethical and honorable life.
B. Wealth and money are of secondary importance and life with family and companionship is of primary importance.
C. A moral life is characterized by adherence to tenets of integrity and incorruptibility.
D. Children must be encouraged to enjoy idleness and must be tutored to enjoy their childhood.
E. The complexity of work must determine the type of work that adults and children must pursue.
Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
The phrase "agrarian lifestyle" (paragraph 2) could mean which one of the following?
A. A condition of living where there were large families with little work
B. A way of living where children were encouraged to work
C. A difficult lifestyle with limited means
D. A lifestyle concerning farms and its ownership
E. A manner of living where there were a large number of children in the families
Passage
(1)
[1] The September 1906 edition of Cosmopolitan magazine recounts a story once told of an old Native American chieftain. [2] The chieftain was given a tour of the modern city of New York. [3] On this excursion, he saw the soaring heights of the grand skyscrapers and the majesty of the Brooklyn Bridge. [4] He observed the comfortable masses gathered in amusement at the circus and the poor huddled in tenements. [5] Upon the completion of the chieftain's journey, several Christian men asked him, "What is the most surprising thing you have seen?" The chieftain replied slowly with three words: "little children working." (2)
[6] Although the widespread presence of laboring children may have surprised the chieftain at the turn of the 20th century, this sight was common in the United States at the time. [7] From the Industrial Revolution through the 1930s was a period in which children worked in a wide variety of occupations. [8] Now, nearly 110 years after the story of the chieftain was told, the overt presence of widespread child labor in New York or any other American city no longer exists. [9] The move away from engaging children in economically productive labor occurred within the last 100 years. [10] As numerous authors on the subject have remarked, "Children have always worked." [11] In the 18th century, the arrival of a newborn to a rural family was viewed by the parents as a future beneficial laborer and an insurance policy for old age. [12] At an age as young as 5, a child was expected to help with farm work and other household chores. [13] The agrarian lifestyle common in America required large quantities of hard work, whether it was planting crops, feeding chickens, or mending fences. [14] Large families with less work than children would often send children to another household that could employ them as a maid, servant, or plowboy. [15] Most families simply could not afford the costs of raising a child from birth to adulthood without some compensating labor.
(3)
[16] One of the authors who noted that "children have always worked" is Walter Trattner. [17] During early human history when tribes wandered the land, children participated in the hunting and fishing. [18] When these groups separated into families, children continued to work by caring for livestock and crops. [19] The medieval guild system introduced children to the trades. [20] The subsequent advance of capitalism created new social pressures. [21] For example, in 1575, England provided for the use of public money to employ children in order to "accustom them to labor" and "afford a prophylactic against vagabonds and paupers." [22] An Englishman stated, with regret, that "a quarter of the mass of mankind are children, males and females under seven years old, from whom little labor is to be expected." [23] This statement was consistent with the Puritan belief that put work at the center of a moral life. [24] This belief shaped a citizenry that grew to praise work and scorn idleness. [25] The growth of the Industrial Revolution and manufacturing, however, provided the greatest opportunity for society to avoid the perceived problem of the idle child. [26] Now that more work was less complex because of the introduction of machines, children had more potential job opportunities. [27] For example, one industrialist in 1790 proposed building textile factories around London to employ children to "prevent the habitual idleness and degeneracy" that were destroying the community. [28] With the advances in machinery, not only could society avoid the issue of unproductive children, but also the children themselves could easily create productive output with only their rudimentary skills.
(4)
[29] Similarly, in America, productive outlets were sought for children. [30] Colonial laws modeled after British laws sought to prevent children from becoming a burden on society. [31] At the age of 13, orphan boys were sent to apprentice in a trade while orphan girls were sent into domestic work. [32] Generally, children, except those of Northern merchants and Southern plantation owners, were expected to be prepared for gainful employment. [33] In other locations, the primary motivation in employing children was not about preventing their idleness but rather about satisfying commercial interests and the desire to settle the vast American continent. [34] Regardless of the motivation, a successful childhood was seen as one that developed the child's financially productive capacity.
The author mentions the story of the chieftain published in Cosmopolitan magazine primarily in order to
A. demonstrate that New York encouraged child labor more than other cities of America
B. justify that child labor was not as prominent in England as it was in America
C. bring a counterpoint between the majestic landscape of New York and the poverty that existed
D. distinguish between the abundance of wealth possessed by the masses and the poverty of those living in tenements
E. emphasize that child labor was prevalent in America in the beginning of the 20th century
Passage
The Marshmallow Test for Grownups
(1)
Originally conducted by psychologist Walter Mischel in the late 1960s, the Stanford marshmallow test has become a touchstone of developmental psychology. Children at Stanford's Bing Nursery School, aged four to six, were placed in a room furnished only with a table and chair. A single treat, selected by the child, was placed on the table. Each child was told if they waited for 15 minutes before eating the treat, they would be given a second treat. Then they were left alone in the room. Follow-up studies with the children later in adolescence showed a correlation between an ability to wait long enough to obtain a second treat and various forms of life success. And a 2011 fMRI study conducted on 59 original participants ?now in their 40s ?by Cornell's B.J. Casey showed higher levels of brain activity in the prefrontal cortex among those participants who delayed immediate gratification in favor of a greater reward later on. This finding is important because of the research that's emerged on the critical role played by the prefrontal cortex in directing our attention and managing our emotions.
(2)
As adults, we face a version of the marshmallow test nearly every waking minute of every day. We're not tempted by sugary treats, but by our browser tabs, phones, and tablets ?all the devices that connect us to the global delivery system for those blips of information that do to us what marshmallows do to preschoolers.
(3)
Sugary treats tempt us into unhealthy eating habits because the agricultural and commercial systems that meet our nutritional needs today are so vastly different from the environment in which we evolved as a species. Early humans lived in a calorie-poor world, and something like a piece of fruit was both rare and valuable. Our brains developed a response mechanism to these treats that reflected their value ?a surge of interest and excitement, a feeling of reward and satisfaction ?which we find tremendously pleasurable. But as we've reshaped the world around us, radically diminishing the cost and effort involved in obtaining calories, we still have the same brains we evolved thousands of years ago. This mismatch is at the heart of why so many of us struggle to resist tempting foods that we know we shouldn't eat.
(4)
A similar process is at work in our response to information. Our formative environment as a species was information-poor as well as calorie-poor. The features of that environment ?specifically the members of our immediate community and our interactions with them ?typically changed rarely and gradually. New information in the form of new community members or new ways of interacting were unusual and notable events that typically signified something of great importance. Just as our brains developed a response
mechanism that prized sugary treats, we evolved to pay close attention to new information about the people around us and our interactions with them. But just as the development of industrial agriculture and mass commerce has profoundly altered our caloric environment, global connectivity has profoundly altered our information environment. We are now ceaselessly bombarded with new information about the people around us ?and the definition of "people around us" has fundamentally changed, putting us in touch with more people in an hour than early humans met in their entire lives. All of this poses a critical challenge to our brains ?the adult version of the marshmallow test.
(5)
Not only are we constantly interrupted by alerts, beeps, and buzzes that tell us some new information has arrived, we constantly interrupt ourselves to seek out new information. We pull out our phones while we're in the middle of a conversation with someone. We check our email while we're engaged in a complex task that requires our full concentration. We scan our feeds even though we just checked them a minute ago. There's increasing evidence suggesting that these disruptions make it difficult to do our best work, diminish our productivity, and contribute to a feeling of overwhelm.
(6)
The agricultural and commercial revolutions were clearly net gains for humanity, making it possible for more people to live better lives than ever before. It would be both wrongheaded and fruitless to suggest that we should turn back the clock on these advances. Similarly, the information revolution is helping us to make great strides as a species. But just as we need to be more thoughtful about our caloric consumption, delaying gratification of our impulsive urges in order to eat more nutritiously, we need to be more thoughtful about our information consumption, resisting the allure of the mental equivalent of "junk food" in order to allocate our time and attention most effectively. (This article has been picked from hbr.org and has been edited for use.)
The author of the passage is primarily concerned with doing which one of the following?
A. Comparing two different analysis
B. Chronicling certain historical developments
C. Discussing the causes and adverse impact of a phenomenon
D. Recommending varied solutions to a problem
E. Developing a chronological series of events
Passage The Marshmallow Test for Grownups
(1)
Originally conducted by psychologist Walter Mischel in the late 1960s, the Stanford marshmallow test has become a touchstone of developmental psychology. Children at Stanford's Bing Nursery School, aged four to six, were placed in a room furnished only with a table and chair. A single treat, selected by the child, was placed on the table. Each child was told if they waited for 15 minutes before eating the treat, they would be given a second treat. Then they were left alone in the room. Follow-up studies with the children later in adolescence showed a correlation between an ability to wait long enough to obtain a second treat and various forms of life success. And a 2011 fMRI study conducted on 59 original participants ?now in their 40s ?by Cornell's B.J. Casey showed higher levels of brain activity in the prefrontal cortex among those participants who delayed immediate gratification in favor of a greater reward later on. This finding is important because of the research that's emerged on the critical role played by the prefrontal cortex in directing our attention and managing our emotions.
(2)
As adults, we face a version of the marshmallow test nearly every waking minute of every day. We're not tempted by sugary treats, but by our browser tabs, phones, and tablets ?all the devices that connect us to the global delivery system for those blips of information that do to us what marshmallows do to preschoolers.
(3)
Sugary treats tempt us into unhealthy eating habits because the agricultural and commercial systems that meet our nutritional needs today are so vastly different from the environment in which we evolved as a species. Early humans lived in a calorie-poor world, and something like a piece of fruit was both rare and valuable. Our brains developed a response mechanism to these treats that reflected their value ?a surge of interest and excitement, a feeling of reward and satisfaction ?which we find tremendously pleasurable. But as we've reshaped the world around us, radically diminishing the cost and effort involved in obtaining calories, we still have the same brains we evolved thousands of years ago. This mismatch is at the heart of why so many of us struggle to resist tempting foods that we know we shouldn't eat.
(4)
A similar process is at work in our response to information. Our formative environment as a species was information-poor as well as calorie-poor. The features of that environment ?specifically the members of our immediate community and our interactions with them ?typically changed rarely and gradually. New information in the form of new community members or new ways of interacting were unusual and notable events that typically signified something of great importance. Just as our brains developed a response mechanism that prized sugary treats, we evolved to pay close attention to new information about the people around us and our interactions with them. But just as the development of industrial agriculture and mass commerce has profoundly altered our caloric environment, global connectivity has profoundly altered our information environment. We are now ceaselessly bombarded with new information about the people around us ?and the definition of "people around us" has fundamentally changed, putting us in touch with more people in an hour than early humans met in their entire lives. All of this poses a critical challenge to our brains ?the adult version of the marshmallow test.
(5)
Not only are we constantly interrupted by alerts, beeps, and buzzes that tell us some new information has arrived, we constantly interrupt ourselves to seek out new information. We pull out our phones while we're in the middle of a conversation with someone. We check our email while we're engaged in a complex task that requires our full concentration. We scan our feeds even though we just checked them a minute ago. There's increasing evidence suggesting that these disruptions make it difficult to do our best work, diminish our productivity, and contribute to a feeling of overwhelm.
(6)
The agricultural and commercial revolutions were clearly net gains for humanity, making it possible for more people to live better lives than ever before. It would be both wrongheaded and fruitless to suggest that we should turn back the clock on these advances. Similarly, the information revolution is helping us to make great strides as a species. But just as we need to be more thoughtful about our caloric consumption, delaying gratification of our impulsive urges in order to eat more nutritiously, we need to be more thoughtful about our information consumption, resisting the allure of the mental equivalent of "junk food" in order to allocate our time and attention most effectively. (This article has been picked from hbr.org and has been edited for use.)
A.
ambivalence
B.
caution
C.
enthusiasm
D.
cynicism
E.
euphoria
It can be inferred that the author believes that new age technology and the abundance of information must be used and consumed with
Passage
The Marshmallow Test for Grownups
(1)
Originally conducted by psychologist Walter Mischel in the late 1960s, the Stanford marshmallow test has become a touchstone of developmental psychology. Children at Stanford's Bing Nursery School, aged four to six, were placed in a room furnished only with a table and chair. A single treat, selected by the child, was placed on the table. Each child was told if they waited for 15 minutes before eating the treat, they would be given a second treat. Then they were left alone in the room. Follow-up studies with the children later in adolescence showed a correlation between an ability to wait long enough to obtain a second treat and various forms of life success. And a 2011 fMRI study conducted on 59 original participants ?now in their 40s ?by Cornell's B.J. Casey showed higher levels of brain activity in the prefrontal cortex among those participants who delayed immediate gratification in favor of a greater reward later on. This finding is important because of the research that's emerged on the critical role played by the prefrontal cortex in directing our attention and managing our emotions.
(2)
As adults, we face a version of the marshmallow test nearly every waking minute of every day. We're not tempted by sugary treats, but by our browser tabs, phones, and tablets ?all the devices that connect us to the global delivery system for those blips of information that do to us what marshmallows do to preschoolers.
(3)
Sugary treats tempt us into unhealthy eating habits because the agricultural and commercial systems that meet our nutritional needs today are so vastly different from the environment in which we evolved as a species. Early humans lived in a calorie-poor world, and something like a piece of fruit was both rare and valuable. Our brains developed a response mechanism to these treats that reflected their value ?a surge of interest and excitement, a feeling of reward and satisfaction ?which we find tremendously pleasurable. But as we've reshaped the world around us, radically diminishing the cost and effort involved in obtaining calories, we still have the same brains we evolved thousands of years ago. This mismatch is at the heart of why so many of us struggle to resist tempting foods that we know we shouldn't eat.
(4)
A similar process is at work in our response to information. Our formative environment as a species was information-poor as well as calorie-poor. The features of that environment ?specifically the members of our immediate community and our interactions with them ?typically changed rarely and gradually. New information in the form of new community members or new ways of interacting were unusual and notable events that typically signified something of great importance. Just as our brains developed a response mechanism that prized sugary treats, we evolved to pay close attention to new information about the people around us and our interactions with them. But just as the development of industrial agriculture and mass commerce has profoundly altered our caloric environment, global connectivity has profoundly altered our information environment. We are now ceaselessly bombarded with new information about the people around us ?and the definition of "people around us" has fundamentally changed, putting us in touch with more people in an hour than early humans met in their entire lives. All of this poses a critical challenge to our brains ?the adult version of the marshmallow test.
(5)
Not only are we constantly interrupted by alerts, beeps, and buzzes that tell us some new information has arrived, we constantly interrupt ourselves to seek out new information. We pull out our phones while we're in the middle of a conversation with someone. We check our email while we're engaged in a complex task that requires our full concentration. We scan our feeds even though we just checked them a minute ago. There's increasing evidence suggesting that these disruptions make it difficult to do our best work, diminish our productivity, and contribute to a feeling of overwhelm.
(6)
The agricultural and commercial revolutions were clearly net gains for humanity, making it possible for more people to live better lives than ever before. It would be both wrongheaded and fruitless to suggest that we should turn back the clock on these advances. Similarly, the information revolution is helping us to make great strides as a species. But just as we need to be more thoughtful about our caloric consumption, delaying gratification of our impulsive urges in order to eat more nutritiously, we need to be more thoughtful about our information consumption, resisting the allure of the mental equivalent of "junk food" in order to allocate our time and attention most effectively. (This article has been picked from hbr.org and has been edited for use.)
According to the author, humans give into the temptation of eating unhealthy food that they should ideally not be eating
A. due to the discrepancy between the evolution of the brain and the ease of food available today
B. because of the temptation that technology has created within human beings today
C. because in the ancient times, food was a rare commodity that was not available to all beings
D. because in the earlier days, technology did not lure human beings from their primary purpose of hunting for and eating food
E. due to the incompatibility between the various organs of the human body
Passage
The Marshmallow Test for Grownups
(1)
Originally conducted by psychologist Walter Mischel in the late 1960s, the Stanford marshmallow test has become a touchstone of developmental psychology. Children at Stanford's Bing Nursery School, aged four to six, were placed in a room furnished only with a table and chair. A single treat, selected by the child, was placed on the table. Each child was told if they waited for 15 minutes before eating the treat, they would be given a second treat. Then they were left alone in the room. Follow-up studies with the children later in adolescence showed a correlation between an ability to wait long enough to obtain a second treat and various forms of life success. And a 2011 fMRI study conducted on 59 original participants ?now in their 40s ?by Cornell's B.J. Casey showed higher levels of brain activity in the prefrontal cortex among those participants who delayed immediate gratification in favor of a greater reward later on. This finding is important because of the research that's emerged on the critical role played by the prefrontal cortex in directing our attention and managing our emotions.
(2)
As adults, we face a version of the marshmallow test nearly every waking minute of every day. We're not tempted by sugary treats, but by our browser tabs, phones, and tablets ?all the devices that connect us to the global delivery system for those blips of information that do to us what marshmallows do to preschoolers.
(3)
Sugary treats tempt us into unhealthy eating habits because the agricultural and commercial systems that meet our nutritional needs today are so vastly different from the environment in which we evolved as a species. Early humans lived in a calorie-poor world, and something like a piece of fruit was both rare and valuable. Our brains developed a response mechanism to these treats that reflected their value ?a surge of interest and excitement, a feeling of reward and satisfaction ?which we find tremendously pleasurable. But as we've reshaped the world around us, radically diminishing the cost and effort involved in obtaining calories, we still have the same brains we evolved thousands of years ago. This mismatch is at the heart of why so many of us struggle to resist tempting foods that we know we shouldn't eat.
(4)
A similar process is at work in our response to information. Our formative environment as a species was information-poor as well as calorie-poor. The features of that environment ?specifically the members of our immediate community and our interactions with them ?typically changed rarely and gradually. New information in the form of new community members or new ways of interacting were unusual and notable events that typically signified something of great importance. Just as our brains developed a response mechanism that prized sugary treats, we evolved to pay close attention to new information about the people around us and our interactions with them. But just as the development of industrial agriculture and mass commerce has profoundly altered our caloric environment, global connectivity has profoundly altered our information environment. We are now ceaselessly bombarded with new information about the people around us ?and the definition of "people around us" has fundamentally changed, putting us in touch with more people in an hour than early humans met in their entire lives. All of this poses a critical challenge to our brains ?the adult version of the marshmallow test.
(5)
Not only are we constantly interrupted by alerts, beeps, and buzzes that tell us some new information has arrived, we constantly interrupt ourselves to seek out new information. We pull out our phones while we're in the middle of a conversation with someone. We check our email while we're engaged in a complex task that requires our full concentration. We scan our feeds even though we just checked them a minute ago. There's increasing evidence suggesting that these disruptions make it difficult to do our best work, diminish our productivity, and contribute to a feeling of overwhelm.
(6)
The agricultural and commercial revolutions were clearly net gains for humanity, making it possible for more people to live better lives than ever before. It would be both wrongheaded and fruitless to suggest that we should turn back the clock on these advances. Similarly, the information revolution is helping us to make great strides as a species. But just as we need to be more thoughtful about our caloric consumption, delaying gratification of our impulsive urges in order to eat more nutritiously, we need to be more thoughtful about our information consumption, resisting the allure of the mental equivalent of "junk food" in order to allocate our time and attention most effectively. (This article has been picked from hbr.org and has been edited for use.)
The author mentions "browser tabs, phones, and tablets" in paragraph 2 most probably in order to
A. demonstrate the ubiquity of these devices
B. give examples of items that "lure" adults
C. justify that treats and marshmallows might not be attractive in today's times
D. contrast the items that are harmful from those that are relatively innocuous
E. show the advances that technology has made and its usefulness to human beings
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