One of the basic principles of ecology is that population size is to some extent a function of available food resources. Recent field experiments demonstrate that the interrelationship may be far more complex than hitherto imagined. Specifically, the browsing of certain rodents appears to trigger biochemical reactions in the plants they feed on that help regulate the size of the rodent populations. Two such examples of phytochemical regulation (regulation involving plant chemistry) have been reported so far. Patricia Berger and her colleagues at the University of Utah have demonstrated that instrumentality of 6- methoxybenzoxazolinone (6-MBOA) in triggering reproductive behavior in the mountain vole (Microtus montanus), a small rodent resembling the field mouse. 6-MBOA forms in young mountain grasses in response to browsing by predators such as voles. The experimenters fed rolled oats coated with 6-MBOA to non-breeding winter populations of Microtus. After three weeks, the sample populations revealed a high incidence of pregnancy among the females and pronounced swelling of the testicles among the males. Control populations receiving no 6- MBOA revealed no such signs. Since the timing of reproductive effort is crucial to the short-lived vole in an environment in which the onset of vegetative growth can vary by as much as two months, the phytochemical triggering of copulatory behavior in Microtus represents a significant biological adaptation. A distinct example is reported by John Bryant of the University of Alaska. In this case, plants seem to have adopted a form of phytochemical self-defense against the depredations of the snowshoe hare (Lepus americanus) of Canada and Alaska. Every ten years or so, for reasons that are not entirely understood, the Lepus population swells dramatically. The result is intense overbrowsing of early and mid-successional deciduous trees and shrubs. Bryant has shown that, as if in response, four common boreal forest trees favored by Lepus produce adventitious shoots high in terpene and phenolic resins which effectively discourage hare browsing. He treated mature, non-resinous willow twigs with resinous extracts from the adventitious shoots of other plants and placed treated and untreated bundles at hare feeding stations, weighing them at the end of each day. Bryant found that bundles containing only half the resin concentration of natural twigs were left untouched. The avoidance of these unpalatable resins, he concludes, may play a significant role in the subsequent decline in the Lepus population to its normal level. These results suggest obvious areas for further research. For example, observational data should be reviewed to see whether the periodic population explosions among the prolific lemming (like the vole and the snowshoe hare, a small rodent in a marginal northern environment) occur during years in which there is an early onset of vegetative growth; if so, a triggering mechanism similar to that found in the vole may be involved.
The author describes the effect of 6-MBOA on voles as a "significant biological adaptation" (lines 27?8) because it:
A. limits reproductive behavior in times of food scarcity.
B. leads the vole population to seek available food resources.
C. tends to ensure the survival of the species in a situation of fluctuating food supply.
D. maximizes the survival prospects of individual voles.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
The passage supports the idea that struggles within the Bolshevik Party were primarily:
A. reflections of struggles among important groups in the general population.
B. the result of differences over economic policy.
C. the result of misdirected loyalty on the part of the Red Army.
D. caused by Russian social elites outside the Party.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
In his struggle with rival factions of the Bolshevik Party, Stalin was apparently most helped by:
A. his control of the party organization.
B. his control of the army.
C. Trotsky's misjudgment of threats to his position.
D. the appearance of standing above factional politics.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
According to the passage, a similarity between Stalin and Trotsky was their attitude and policy toward:
A. the elite of the Bolshevik Party.
B. the importance of industrialization.
C. democracy within the party.
D. trade unions.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
An important feature of Bukharin's program was:
A. a tax on the peasants.
B. avoiding confrontations with the trade unions.
C. forming alliances with friendly foreign regimes.
D. maintaining open debate within the Party.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace." In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center," conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms," and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
The main feature of the New Economic Policy of 1921 was:
A. a strict economic centralization.
B. stimulation of the economy through deliberate inflation.
C. a limitation of trade union activity.
D. a relaxation of economic controls.
The Russia which emerged from the terrible civil war after the 1917 Revolution was far from the Bolsheviks' original ideal of a non-exploitative society governed by workers and peasants. By 1921, the regime was weakened by widespread famine, persistent peasant revolts, a collapse of industrial production stemming from the civil war, and the consequent dispersal of the industrial working class -- the Bolsheviks' original base of support. To buy time for recovery, the government in 1921 introduced the New Economic Policy, which allowed private trade in farm products (previously banned) and relied on a fixed grain tax instead of forced requisitions to provide food for the cities. The value of the ruble was stabilized. Trade unions were again allowed to seek higher wages and benefits, and even to strike. However, the Bolsheviks maintained a strict monopoly of power by refusing to legalize other parties. After the death of the Revolution's undisputed leader, Lenin, in January 1924, disputes over the long-range direction of policy led to an open struggle among the main Bolshevik leaders. Since open debate was still possible within the Bolshevik Party in this period, several groups with differing programs emerged in the course of this struggle. The program supported by Nikolai Bukharin -- a major ideological leader of the Bolsheviks with no power base of his own -- called for developing agriculture through good relations with wealthy peasants, or "kulaks." Bukharin favored gradual industrial development, or "advancing towards Socialism at a snail's pace". In foreign affairs, Bukharin's policy was to ally with non-Socialist regimes and movements that were favorable to Russia. A faction led by Leon Trotsky, head of the Red Army and the most respected revolutionary leader after Lenin, called for rapid industrialization and greater central planning of the economy, financed by a heavy tax on the kulaks. Trotsky rejected the idea that a prosperous, human Socialist society could be built in Russia alone (Stalin's slogan of "Socialism in One Country"), and therefore called for continued efforts to promote working-class revolutions abroad. As time went on, he became bitterly critical of the new privileged elite emerging within both the Bolshevik Party and the Russian state. Joseph Stalin, General Secretary of the Bolshevik Party, was initially considered a "center", conciliating figure, not clearly part of a faction. Stalin's eventual supremacy was ensured by three successive struggles within the party, and only during the last did his own program become clear. First, in 1924?5, Stalin isolated Trotsky, allying for this purpose with Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, Bolshevik leaders better known than Stalin himself, whom Trotsky mistakenly considered his main rivals. Stalin maneuvered Trotsky out of leadership of the Red Army, his main potential power base. Next, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev, using his powers as head of the Party organization to remove them from party leadership in Leningrad and Moscow, their respective power bases. Trotsky, Zinoviev, and Kamenev then belatedly formed the "Joint Opposition" (1926?7). With Bukharin's help, Stalin easily outmaneuvered the Opposition: Bukharin polemicized against Trotsky, while Stalin prevented the newspapers from printing Trotsky's replies, organized gangs of toughs to beat up his followers, and transferred his supporters to administrative posts in remote regions. At the end of 1927, Stalin expelled Trotsky from the Bolshevik Party and exiled him. (Later, in 1940, he had him murdered.) Zinoviev and Kamenev, meanwhile, recanted their views in order to remain within the Party. The final act now began. A move by kulaks to gain higher prices by holding grain off the market touched off a campaign against them by Stalin. Bukharin protested, but with the tradition of Party democracy now all but dead, Stalin had little trouble silencing Bukharin. Meanwhile, he began a campaign to force all peasants -- not just kulaks -- onto state-controlled "collective farms", and initiated a crash industrialization program during which he deprived the trade unions of all rights and cut real wages by 50%. Out of the factional struggle in which he emerged by 1933 as sole dictator of Russia, Stalin's political program of building up heavy industry on the backs of both worker and peasant emerged with full clarity.
All of the following were among the factors contributing to the weakness of the Bolshevik regime in 1921 EXCEPT:
A. the aftereffects of the civil war.
B. low industrial production.
C. opposition by peasants.
D. lack of democracy within the Party.
Although we know more about so-called Neanderthal men than about any other early population, their exact relation to present-day human beings remains unclear. Long considered sub-human, Neanderthals are now known to have been fully human. They walked erect, used fire, and made a variety of tools. They lived partly in the open and partly in caves. The Neanderthals are even thought to have been the first humans to bury their dead, a practice which has been interpreted as demonstrating the capacity for religious and abstract thought. The first monograph on Neanderthal anatomy, published by Marcelling Boule in 1913, presented a somewhat misleading picture. Boule took the Neanderthals' lowvaulted cranium and prominent brow ridges, their heavy musculature, and the apparent overdevelopment of certain joints as evidence of a prehuman physical appearance. In postulating for the Neanderthal such "primitive" characteristics as a stooping, bent-kneed posture, a rolling gait, and a forward-hanging head, Boule was a victim of the rudimentary state of anatomical science. Modern anthropologists recognize the Neanderthal bone structure as that of a creature whose bodily orientation and capacities were very similar to those of present-day human beings. The differences in the size and shape of the limbs, shoulder blades, and other body parts are simply adaptations which were necessary to handle the Neanderthal's far more massive musculature. Current taxonomy considers the Neanderthals to have been fully human and thus designates them not as a separate species, Homo neanderthalensis, but as a subspecies of Homo sapiens: Homo sapiens neanderthalensis. The rise of the Neanderthals occurred over some 100,000 years -- a sufficient period to account for evolution of the specifically Neanderthal characteristics through free interbreeding over a broad geographical range. Fossil evidence suggests that the Neanderthals inhabited a vast area from Europe through the Middle East and into Central Asia from approximately 100,000 years ago until 35,000 years ago. Then, within a brief period of five to ten thousand years, they disappeared. Modern human, not found in Europe prior to about 33,000 years ago, thenceforth became the sole inhabitants of the region. Anthropologists do not believe that the Neanderthals evolved into modern human beings. Despite the similarities between Neanderthal and modern human anatomy, the differences are great enough that, among a population as broad-ranging as the Neanderthals, such an evolution could not have taken place in a period of only ten thousand years. Furthermore, no fossils of types intermediate between Neanderthals and moderns have been found. A major alternative hypothesis, advanced by E. Trinkaus and W.W. Howells, is that of localized evolution. Within a geographically concentrated population, free interbreeding could have produced far more pronounced genetic effects within a shorter time. Thus modern human could have evolved relatively quickly, either from Neanderthals or from some other ancestral type, in isolation from the main Neanderthal population. These humans may have migrated throughout the Neanderthal areas, where they displaced or absorbed the original inhabitants. One hypothesis suggests that these "modern" humans immigrated to Europe from the Middle East. No satisfactory explanation of why modern human beings replaced the Neanderthals has yet been found. Some have speculated that the modern humans wiped out the Neanderthals in warfare; however, there exists no archeological evidence of a hostile encounter. It has also been suggested that the Neanderthals failed to adapt to the onset of the last Ice Age; yet their thick bodies should have been heat-conserving and thus well-adapted to extreme cold. Finally, it is possible that the improved tools and hunting implements of the late Neanderthal period made the powerful Neanderthal physique less of an advantage than it had been previously. At the same time, the Neanderthals' need for a heavy diet to sustain this physique put them at a disadvantage compared to the less massive moderns. If this was the case, then it was improvements in human culture -- including some introduced by the Neanderthals themselves -- that made the Neanderthal obsolete.
It can be inferred from the passage that the rate of evolution is directly related to the:
A. concentration of the species population.
B. anatomical features of the species.
C. rate of environmental change.
D. adaptive capabilities of the species.
Although we know more about so-called Neanderthal men than about any other early population, their exact relation to present-day human beings remains unclear. Long considered sub-human, Neanderthals are now known to have been fully human. They walked erect, used fire, and made a variety of tools. They lived partly in the open and partly in caves. The Neanderthals are even thought to have been the first humans to bury their dead, a practice which has been interpreted as demonstrating the capacity for religious and abstract thought. The first monograph on Neanderthal anatomy, published by Marcelling Boule in 1913, presented a somewhat misleading picture. Boule took the Neanderthals' lowvaulted cranium and prominent brow ridges, their heavy musculature, and the apparent overdevelopment of certain joints as evidence of a prehuman physical appearance. In postulating for the Neanderthal such "primitive" characteristics as a stooping, bent-kneed posture, a rolling gait, and a forward-hanging head, Boule was a victim of the rudimentary state of anatomical science. Modern anthropologists recognize the Neanderthal bone structure as that of a creature whose bodily orientation and capacities were very similar to those of present-day human beings. The differences in the size and shape of the limbs, shoulder blades, and other body parts are simply adaptations which were necessary to handle the Neanderthal's far more massive musculature. Current taxonomy considers the Neanderthals to have been fully human and thus designates them not as a separate species, Homo neanderthalensis, but as a subspecies of Homo sapiens: Homo sapiens neanderthalensis. The rise of the Neanderthals occurred over some 100,000 years -- a sufficient period to account for evolution of the specifically Neanderthal characteristics through free interbreeding over a broad geographical range. Fossil evidence suggests that the Neanderthals inhabited a vast area from Europe through the Middle East and into Central Asia from approximately 100,000 years ago until 35,000 years ago. Then, within a brief period of five to ten thousand years, they disappeared. Modern human, not found in Europe prior to about 33,000 years ago, thenceforth became the sole inhabitants of the region. Anthropologists do not believe that the Neanderthals evolved into modern human beings. Despite the similarities between Neanderthal and modern human anatomy, the differences are great enough that, among a population as broad-ranging as the Neanderthals, such an evolution could not have taken place in a period of only ten thousand years. Furthermore, no fossils of types intermediate between Neanderthals and moderns have been found. A major alternative hypothesis, advanced by E. Trinkaus and W.W. Howells, is that of localized evolution. Within a geographically concentrated population, free interbreeding could have produced far more pronounced genetic effects within a shorter time. Thus modern human could have evolved relatively quickly, either from Neanderthals or from some other ancestral type, in isolation from the main Neanderthal population. These humans may have migrated throughout the Neanderthal areas, where they displaced or absorbed the original inhabitants. One hypothesis suggests that these "modern" humans immigrated to Europe from the Middle East. No satisfactory explanation of why modern human beings replaced the Neanderthals has yet been found. Some have speculated that the modern humans wiped out the Neanderthals in warfare; however, there exists no archeological evidence of a hostile encounter. It has also been suggested that the Neanderthals failed to adapt to the onset of the last Ice Age; yet their thick bodies should have been heat-conserving and thus well-adapted to extreme cold. Finally, it is possible that the improved tools and hunting implements of the late Neanderthal period made the powerful Neanderthal physique less of an advantage than it had been previously. At the same time, the Neanderthals' need for a heavy diet to sustain this physique put them at a disadvantage compared to the less massive moderns. If this was the case, then it was improvements in human culture -- including some introduced by the Neanderthals themselves -- that made the Neanderthal obsolete.
All of the following are hypotheses about the disappearance of the Neanderthals EXCEPT:
A. the Neanderthal physique became a handicap instead of an advantage.
B. the Neanderthals failed to adapt to climatic changes.
C. the Neanderthals evolved into modern humans.
D. modern humans exterminated the Neanderthals.
Although we know more about so-called Neanderthal men than about any other early population, their exact relation to present-day human beings remains unclear. Long considered sub-human, Neanderthals are now known to have been fully human. They walked erect, used fire, and made a variety of tools. They lived partly in the open and partly in caves. The Neanderthals are even thought to have been the first humans to bury their dead, a practice which has been interpreted as demonstrating the capacity for religious and abstract thought. The first monograph on Neanderthal anatomy, published by Marcelling Boule in 1913, presented a somewhat misleading picture. Boule took the Neanderthals' lowvaulted cranium and prominent brow ridges, their heavy musculature, and the apparent overdevelopment of certain joints as evidence of a prehuman physical appearance. In postulating for the Neanderthal such "primitive" characteristics as a stooping, bent-kneed posture, a rolling gait, and a forward-hanging head, Boule was a victim of the rudimentary state of anatomical science. Modern anthropologists recognize the Neanderthal bone structure as that of a creature whose bodily orientation and capacities were very similar to those of present-day human beings. The differences in the size and shape of the limbs, shoulder blades, and other body parts are simply adaptations which were necessary to handle the Neanderthal's far more massive musculature. Current taxonomy considers the Neanderthals to have been fully human and thus designates them not as a separate species, Homo neanderthalensis, but as a subspecies of Homo sapiens: Homo sapiens neanderthalensis. The rise of the Neanderthals occurred over some 100,000 years -- a sufficient period to account for evolution of the specifically Neanderthal characteristics through free interbreeding over a broad geographical range. Fossil evidence suggests that the Neanderthals inhabited a vast area from Europe through the Middle East and into Central Asia from approximately 100,000 years ago until 35,000 years ago. Then, within a brief period of five to ten thousand years, they disappeared. Modern human, not found in Europe prior to about 33,000 years ago, thenceforth became the sole inhabitants of the region. Anthropologists do not believe that the Neanderthals evolved into modern human beings. Despite the similarities between Neanderthal and modern human anatomy, the differences are great enough that, among a population as broad-ranging as the Neanderthals, such an evolution could not have taken place in a period of only ten thousand years. Furthermore, no fossils of types intermediate between Neanderthals and moderns have been found. A major alternative hypothesis, advanced by E. Trinkaus and W.W. Howells, is that of localized evolution. Within a geographically concentrated population, free interbreeding could have produced far more pronounced genetic effects within a shorter time. Thus modern human could have evolved relatively quickly, either from Neanderthals or from some other ancestral type, in isolation from the main Neanderthal population. These humans may have migrated throughout the Neanderthal areas, where they displaced or absorbed the original inhabitants. One hypothesis suggests that these "modern" humans immigrated to Europe from the Middle East. No satisfactory explanation of why modern human beings replaced the Neanderthals has yet been found. Some have speculated that the modern humans wiped out the Neanderthals in warfare; however, there exists no archeological evidence of a hostile encounter. It has also been suggested that the Neanderthals failed to adapt to the onset of the last Ice Age; yet their thick bodies should have been heat-conserving and thus well-adapted to extreme cold. Finally, it is possible that the improved tools and hunting implements of the late Neanderthal period made the powerful Neanderthal physique less of an advantage than it had been previously. At the same time, the Neanderthals' need for a heavy diet to sustain this physique put them at a disadvantage compared to the less massive moderns. If this was the case, then it was improvements in human culture -- including some introduced by the Neanderthals themselves -- that made the Neanderthal obsolete.
By inference from the passage, the most important evidence that Neanderthals did NOT evolve into modern humans is the:
A. major anatomical differences between Neanderthals and modern humans.
B. brief time in which Neanderthals disappeared.
C. difference in the geographical ranges of Neanderthals and modern humans.
D. gap of many thousands of years between the age of the latest Neanderthal fossils and that of the earliest modern human fossils.
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